On 3 June 2026, the European Commission confirmed that Member States may request a temporary and limited expansion of the fiscal flexibility already available under the National Escape Clause (NEC) for defence, allowing part to be used for energy resilience measures. The announcement came in the context of the European Semester, the annual process through which the Commission assesses Member States’ economic and budgetary policies within the EU fiscal framework. Its best-known reference values remain the 3% of GDP deficit limit and the 60% of GDP debt threshold.
Beyond the political narrative
So far, most commentary on the Commission’s decision has focused on its political significance. The main question has been who can claim victory. The request for greater flexibility had been voiced particularly strongly by Italy, and to some extent also by Spain. Some have therefore interpreted the decision as a success for Italy, able to make its case in Brussels. Others have seen it as proof of the Commission’s consistency, since flexibility was granted without abandoning the commitment to debt sustainability. Other interpretations have portrayed the move as a political gesture aimed at improving relations between the Commission and the Italian government.
However, these interpretations overlook the more significant aspect of the story, which lies in the technical and methodological implications of the decision. They reveal a shift in the Commission’s approach and help explain the direction in which European policymaking is evolving. To understand this, it is necessary to look more closely at what has actually been decided.
Flexibility with conditions
The National Escape Clause for defence allows Member States, under specific conditions, to temporarily deviate from the net expenditure path recommended by the Council. Its purpose is to facilitate a gradual increase in defence spending at national level in response to the new security environment, while preserving medium-term debt sustainability. In practical terms, the clause allows additional defence expenditure of up to 1.5% of GDP until 2028.
The Commission’s latest decision allows Member States to request that part of the fiscal space available under the defence NEC be used for energy resilience measures. Within the existing 1.5% of GDP ceiling for additional expenditure under the clause, a dedicated annual limit of 0.3% of GDP will apply to energy resilience measures over the period 2026-2028. A cumulative ceiling of 0.6% of GDP will also apply over the same period. To qualify for this flexibility, measures must contribute to reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels, strengthening energy security, and accelerating the transition away from fossil energy.
Support for fossil fuels is explicitly excluded. As a result, the additional fiscal room cannot be used to finance measures designed primarily to generate short-term political benefits, such as untargeted fossil-fuel subsidies or policies that would prolong Europe’s structural vulnerabilities.
The Commission’s proposal therefore achieves two objectives simultaneously. First, it grants flexibility without increasing the overall amount of fiscal space available to Member States under the existing clause. In doing so, it confirms that macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability remain strategic objectives for the EU. Second, it makes clear that flexibility is available only when national expenditure contributes to long-term European priorities. Energy-related measures qualify only insofar as they strengthen Europe’s security, reduce dependency, and support the clean transition.
From fiscal surveillance to strategic governance
Compared with the recent past, this represents a genuine change in approach. The Commission is not abandoning its role as guardian of the rules, but it is interpreting that role differently. It is no longer assessing Member States solely through the mechanical application of numerical indicators. Increasingly, it is also evaluating whether national fiscal choices are aligned with broader European strategic priorities. The signs of this shift were already visible in the reformed Stability and Growth Pact, which moves away from a uniform and rigid model and relies instead on country-specific fiscal-structural plans, expenditure paths, and medium-term debt sustainability assessments.
The extension of the defence NEC to energy resilience confirms this logic. Fiscal flexibility is becoming a tool through which the EU seeks to steer national policies towards shared objectives. What matters is not only how much governments spend, but also what they spend on, what outcomes they produce, and how those choices fit within a broader strategic framework.
This is why the question of who won and who lost is ultimately misleading. We are not witnessing a traditional power struggle between Brussels and national capitals, nor a simple trade-off between fiscal discipline and political pressure. What we are seeing is a managed compromise within a more strategic model of economic governance. The real question, therefore, is who will be best able to navigate this new phase of European policymaking.
Earning flexibility in the new European model
In the past, some governments believed that the most effective way to obtain results in Brussels was to confront the Commission, dramatise conflicts, and portray fiscal rules as an external constraint on national sovereignty. That strategy always produced uncertain results, as the experience of Viktor Orbán has demonstrated. Today, it is likely to be even less effective.
The new European approach rewards a different capacity: the ability to develop win-win policies in which national priorities also advance European objectives. A Member State that seeks flexibility merely as an exception to the rules will have limited room for manoeuvre. A Member State that can demonstrate how its spending strengthens European security, resilience, competitiveness, or strategic autonomy will be in a much stronger position.
For national governments, this represents both an opportunity and a discipline. It offers room to pursue strategic investments that might otherwise be constrained by fiscal adjustment. At the same time, it demands clarity, credibility, and coherence. In the new phase of European economic governance, flexibility will not be granted simply because it is requested. It will have to be earned through credible policies that connect national priorities to the Union’s long-term resilience.


