After Munich, Europe Hears the Alarm

18 February 2026
News Analysis

The gathering at Alden Biesen was meant to be reflective. Leaders arrived at the Belgian castle to discuss competitiveness, defence financing and Europe’s long-term capacity to act. It was an informal setting, designed for strategic calm.

Munich changed the mood.

At the Munich Security Conference last weekend, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz delivered a speech that cut through years of careful phrasing. 

The global order that underpinned Europe’s security for decades, he said, no longer exists in its previous form. The United States remains Europe’s essential ally, but it can no longer be assumed that Washington will shoulder the same responsibilities in the same way.

His message was not one of rupture. Merz anchored his remarks firmly in NATO and rejected the idea of a European security architecture built in opposition to the Alliance. 

But he insisted that Europe must become a stronger pillar within it, capable of acting with greater autonomy and credibility.

That shift in tone reverberated back to Brussels. What had been a technical discussion about industrial policy and targeted common borrowing now feels like part of a larger reckoning.

A question of responsibility

For years, European debates about strategic autonomy oscillated between ambition and hesitation. France pushed for bolder language. Germany urged caution. Smaller member states feared duplication of NATO structures. The result was incremental change, rarely a leap.

Munich narrowed the space for ambiguity. The issue is no longer whether Europe should seek more responsibility, but how quickly it can assume it.

At Alden Biesen, the Germany Italy Belgium format tried to give that responsibility a practical shape. The emphasis was on targeted common issuance linked to defence and critical technologies, on securing supply chains and reducing dependencies, and on tying competitiveness policy more closely to security needs.

There was little appetite for sweeping institutional reform. Instead, the approach reflected a method long familiar in European integration. Start with concrete projects. Build consensus around necessity. Let integration follow from function.

Washington as a constant presence

The U.S. hovered over both meetings, even when not physically in the room.

American officials reiterated a familiar expectation that Europe must increase defence spending and assume greater regional responsibility. The message was less dramatic than in previous election cycles, but structurally consistent. 

Automatic guarantees are no longer the organizing principle of the alliance.

This has altered the calculus in Brussels. Joint borrowing for defence, once politically toxic in parts of northern Europe, is increasingly framed as a strategic tool rather than a fiscal taboo. 

The underlying question is stark. Can Europe afford to remain dependent in a world where power is more transactional and alliances more conditional?

Italy’s balancing act

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, present in Belgium but not in Munich, embodies the tension at the heart of Europe’s response.

In recent weeks she has aligned with Merz on strengthening competitiveness and reinforcing Europe’s industrial base. At the same time, she has preserved a pragmatic channel with Washington, resisting rhetoric that could suggest a drift away from the transatlantic bond.

This dual approach reflects a broader European instinct. Few leaders want to frame the debate as Europe versus America. Most see it as Europe growing up within the alliance rather than breaking from it.

The difference may be semantic, but in Brussels semantics often shape policy.

Ideas ahead of politics

The intellectual groundwork for this shift is not new. Mario Draghi’s report on competitiveness and Enrico Letta’s proposals on deepening the single market both argue that Europe must upgrade its economic model if it wants to remain a global actor. 

Protection, in this view, is not the opposite of openness but a precondition for it.

Yet the legislative machinery moves slowly. Nearly two years into the current cycle, many reforms remain stalled by national caution and fragmented political coalitions. The vocabulary of urgency is widespread. The implementation is uneven.

The spring European Council and the coming negotiations on the next long term budget will test whether Munich’s message translates into financial and institutional choices.

Alden Biesen was intended as a laboratory for strategic reflection. Munich turned it into a reminder that time may not be on Europe’s side.

The continent understands the stakes more clearly than before. Whether it can act with the speed that circumstances demand remains uncertain.

Reference

Friedrich Merz during his speech on “Germany in Europe and the World” MSC/Conzelmann https://securityconference.org/en/medialibrary/asset/friedrich-merz-20260213-1622/

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